DESCRIPTION
Mohammad Ebrahim Amirteymour Kalali, also known as Sardar Nosrat, was born
in 1894 in the northeastern province of Khorasan to a prominent landed family.
For generations his family led the Teymouri tribe, and his father, Amir Alimardan
Khan, was granted the title of Nosrat al-Molk by Nassereddin Shah. At his death
in 1988, Amirteymour was 93 years old, his life having spanned a century that
had also shaped modern Iran. For almost 70 years, his privileged position as
landowner, tribal leader, and statesman put him at the center of major events
of the period, both as eyewitness and participant. When he was interviewed in
1982, he was 87 years old, an old man bent with age, but with a vivid memory
for people, places, and events long past and a gift for story telling. His memoir
adds important detail to the chronicles of modern Iran.
Amirteymour begins his story from the 1910s when Ahmad Shah, the last of the
Qajar kings, was on the throne. When barely twenty years old, he takes over
the Teymouri tribe, where as tribal chief he commands a number of battles and
raids along the border with Afghanistan. One battle concludes when Amirteymour’s
men present him with the decapitated heads of his adversaries.
In 1918 he journeys to Tehran to marry Hajeb Davalou, the daughter of Hajeb
al-Dowleh, an official of the Qajar Court. It is during this visit that he first
meets Ahmad Ghavam al-Saltaneh, one of the major political figures of twentieth
century Iran, and becomes captivated by him. In a country in which influence
comes with age, young Amirteymour manages to persuade Ghavam to accept the Governorship
of Khorasan, and even more remarkable, obtains an audience with Ahmad Shah to
urge the king to appoint Ghavam governor. Once Ghavam arrives in Mashhad, Amirteymour
becomes his close adviser, and is appointed by Ghavam as mayor of Quchan.
Between 1920 and 1921 two events prove critical in shaping Amirteymour's future.
In August1920 Colonel Mohammad Taghi Khan Pessian arrives in Khorasan as commander
of the gendarmerie. Six months later, Reza Khan (later Reza Shah) marches into
Tehran and overthrows the government. As his first act the new prime minister,
Seyyed Zia Tabatabaii, orders the arrest of many notables, including Ghavam
al-Saltaneh. The task of arresting Ghavam falls to Colonel Pessian.
Amirteymour provides an eyewitness account of those events and recounts his
own temporary detention. He describes the reversal of fortune that led to the
appointment of Ghavam al-Saltaneh as prime minister and Ghavam's decision to
discharge and arrest Pessian. Although the history of the ensuing rebellion
(some have called it revolution) is well documented, Amirteymour's recollections
add a personal and emotional dimension to those events. He describes the battles
between the gendarmerie loyal to Pessian, and tribesmen loyal to Ghavam, attempts
at mediation by local dignitaries, and finally the death of the Colonel during
the battle against the local Kurds. Not knowing the outcome of those events,
Amirteymour walks a perilous path between his oath of loyalty to the Colonel
and fear of retribution by the powerful Ghavam.
Amirteymour develops many of his contacts and friendships with the key political
figures of thecountry during his tenure as Majles deputy in Tehran. He first
participates in the elections for the Fifth Session of the Majles (1924-26),
and according to his own account, wins the votes but loses the seat because
he is under the minimum age requirement of thirty years. He is elected to the
Sixth Session and reelected through the Ninth Session ending in 1934.
He recalls his friendships and encounters with some of those figures like Seyyed
Hassan Modarres, Vossough al-Dowleh, and Motamen al-Molk, the president of the
Majles. The people he describes seem larger than the statesmen and political
figures that followed them. They are bolder and more outspoken. For example,
he recalls an incident in which Motamen al-Molk and about a dozen Majles deputies,
including Amirteymour, go to the palace for an audience with Reza Shah. The
delegation waits for ten minutes, after which Motamen al-Molk orders his colleagues
to walkout with him in protest to the monarch's tardiness.
Amirteymour also gives details about how Modarres, one of the people he most
reveres, and Abdolhossein Teymourtash, the powerful court minister and a close
friend, both fall out of favor with Reza Shah and are eventually imprisoned
and killed during their detention. While most historians condemn Vossough al-Dowleh
for signing the Anglo-Persian Treaty of 1919, Amirteymour holds him in high
regard as a capable leader devoted to Iran.
An eyewitness to the Gowharshad Mosque incident in 1935, Amirteymour describes
the preacher, Bohloul, who delivers fiery sermons against Reza Shah and his
order forcing men to wear European hats and clothing. The sermons result in
widespread protest in Mashhad that are suppressed by the army. While the suppression
is blamed on Governor General Assadi, who is later executed because of it, Amirteymour
believes Assadi was innocent, made a scapegoat.
Amirteymour participates in the forceful removal of the veil. He describes
a reception he is ordered by Reza Shah to organize at his home in 1936. He invites
the leading dignitaries of the holy city of Mashhad and their wives who are
ordered to attend without the veil. He then follows this reception by another
for the city's clerics and their wives.
Despite these acts of obedience, Amirteymour falls out of favor with Reza Shah,
having, as he describes, angered the monarch with his insolence. He is consequently
excluded from the Majles during the Tenth and Eleventh Sessions, and allowed
to seek reelection to the Twelfth Session (1940-42).
By this time, he is a seasoned legislator and a key player in one of the liveliest
and most contentious periods in Iran's modern political history. He is a witness
to Iran's occupation by the Allies and an active participant in the political
battles with the Tudeh leaders in the Majles. He plays a critical role in the
rejection of the credentials of Mir Jafar Pishevari, who subsequently leads
the movement for an autonomous Azerbaijan.
By the late 1940s, the royal court is increasingly intervening in the political
affairs of the country. Amirteymour describes Princess Ashraf's attempt to solicit
his cooperation to oust Prime Minister Ghavam. While refusing to cooperate in
this intrigue, Amirteymour takes steps to mediate between Ghavam and the Princess.
His independent posture and opposition to the Gass-Golshaeyan oil agreement
leads to his appointment to Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh's cabinet in 1951. His observations
on Mossadegh's cabinet, if validated, provide important insights on the reasons
for the cabinet’s failure. And his vignettes on the influential Ayatollah
Abolghassem Kashani, whose withdrawal of support from the prime minister was
a mortal blow to the oil nationalization movement, are both enlightening and
amusing.
He is evasive on his own role in the coup of August 1953 and his whereabouts
during those days. His affection and high regard for Dr. Hossein Fatemi, Mossadegh’s
foreign minister, however, are clearly stated. He describes the activities of
Dr. Fatemi during the crucial days of August, Dr. Fatemi's arrest and the treatment
of his young bride by the arresting security forces, Fatemi's indignation and
the subsequent fiery speech he delivers against the Shah, his arrest, trial,
and execution.
Amirteymour is elected to the Eighteenth Session of the Majles during the premiership
of General Fazlollah Zahedi. This election indicates that at a minimum he was
not considered a foe by those who had overthrown Mossadegh. He describes his
opposition to a section of the oil Consortium agreement. This opposition leads
to an audience with Mohammad Reza Shah, who urges him to withdraw his objection.
But, Amirteymour finds a way to appease the Shah without withdrawing his amendment.
Amirteymour's influence begins to wane with the introduction of the land reform
program in the 1960s. As an important landowner, he opposes agrarian reform.
He is unable (or unwilling) to either acknowledge or describe his role and the
role of other landowners in actively opposing this initiative. His opposition
leaves him outside the political arena after the early 1960s. From this period,
he is an observer of events, no longer a participant. But for a half a century
he proves himself a shrewd politician. Though he participated in many major
events of the period, often straddling the line between the opposing camps,
he managed to survive, outlasting his contemporaries.
As an observer of later events, Amirteymour laments the Shah's decision to
appoint young technocrats to high posts because he considers them unseasoned
and out of touch with Iran's people, Culture, and history. like a number of
other elder statesmen, Amirteymour had an audience with the Shah during the
eve of the revolution. In his memoirs, he reports on their conversation and
on his own dismay of how the monarchy collapsed. He holds the Shah's policies
and leadership directly responsible for the demise of the monarchyAmirteymour
participates in the forceful removal of the veil. He describes a reception he
is ordered by Reza Shah to organize at his home in 1936. He invites the leading
dignitaries of the holy city of Mashhad and their wives who are ordered to attend
without the veil. He then follows this reception by another for the city's clerics
and their wives.
Despite these acts of obedience, Amirteymour falls out of favor with Reza Shah,
having, as he describes, angered the monarch with his insolence. He is consequently
excluded from the Majles during the Tenth and Eleventh Sessions, and allowed
to seek reelection to the Twelfth Session (1940-42).
By this time, he is a seasoned legislator and a key player in one of the liveliest
and most contentious periods in Iran's modern political history. He is a witness
to Iran's occupation by the Allies and an active participant in the political
battles with the Tudeh leaders in the Majles. He plays a critical role in the
rejection of the credentials of Mir Jafar Pishevari, who subsequently leads
the movement for an autonomous Azerbaijan.
By the late 1940s, the royal court is increasingly intervening in the political
affairs of the country. Amirteymour describes Princess Ashraf's attempt to solicit
his cooperation to oust Prime Minister Ghavam. While refusing to cooperate in
this intrigue, Amirteymour takes steps to mediate between Ghavam and the Princess.
His independent posture and opposition to the Gass-Golshaeyan oil agreement
leads to his appointment to Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh's cabinet in 1951. His observations
on Mossadegh's cabinet, if validated, provide important insights on the reasons
for the cabinet’s failure. And his vignettes on the influential Ayatollah
Abolghassem Kashani, whose withdrawal of support from the prime minister was
a mortal blow to the oil nationalization movement, are both enlightening and
amusing.
He is evasive on his own role in the coup of August 1953 and his whereabouts
during those days.
His affection and high regard for Dr. Hossein Fatemi, Mossadegh’s foreign
minister, however, are clearly stated. He describes the activities of Dr. Fatemi
during the crucial days of August, Dr. Fatemi's arrest and the treatment of
his young bride by the arresting security forces, Fatemi's indignation and the
subsequent fiery speech he delivers against the Shah, his arrest, trial, and
execution.
Amirteymour is elected to the Eighteenth Session of the Majles during the premiership
of General Fazlollah Zahedi. This election indicates that at a minimum he was
not considered a foe by those who had overthrown Mossadegh. He describes his
opposition to a section of the oil Consortium agreement. This opposition leads
to an audience with Mohammad Reza Shah, who urges him to withdraw his objection.
But, Amirteymour finds a way to appease the Shah without withdrawing his amendment.
Amirteymour's influence begins to wane with the introduction of the land reform
program in the 1960s. As an important landowner, he opposes agrarian reform.
He is unable (or unwilling) to either acknowledge or describe his role and the
role of other landowners in actively opposing this initiative. His opposition
leaves him outside the political arena after the early 1960s. From this period,
he is an observer of events, no longer a participant. But for a half a century
he proves himself a shrewd politician. Though he participated in many major
events of the period, often straddling the line between the opposing camps,
he managed to survive, outlasting his contemporaries.
As an observer of later events, Amirteymour laments the Shah's decision to
appoint young technocrats to high posts because he considers them unseasoned
and out of touch with Iran's people, Culture, and history. like a number of
other elder statesmen, Amirteymour had an audience with the Shah during the
eve of the revolution. In his memoirs, he reports on their conversation and
on his own dismay of how the monarchy collapsed. He holds the Shah's policies
and leadership directly responsible for the demise of the monarchy
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Schooling in England
Service in the Royal Mail: 1936-39
Employment at Mobil Oil Company: 1939-42
Officer in the Royal Navy
Ahmad Shah and His Dethronement
Discussion on the Restoration of the Qajars
On Prince Mohammad Hassan Mirza
Political Culture of the Court
Character of Prince Mohammad Hassan Mirza
Abdication of Reza Shah & Restoration of Qajars
Coup of 1925
Prince Mohammad Hassan Mirza In Exile
Life in England
Return to Iran: 1957
Interrogation by the SAVAK
On Ghavam al-Saltaneh
The Iranian Character
More on Ghavam al-Saltaneh
On Mozaffar Firouz
On the Pahlavis
On Princess Ashraf
EDITOR
Habib Ladjevardi has been the director of the Iranian Oral History Project
at Harvard University since 1981. Born in Tehran, he grew up in Scarsdale, N.Y.,
and was educated at the Yale Engineering School and the Harvard Business School.
Dr. Ladjevardi returned to Iran in 1963 and began work as personnel manager
in his family's business. Subsequently he was responsible for founding the Iran
Center for Management Studies in Tehran, where he taught until 1976. He also
served on a number of boards and councils in the private and public sectors.
Dr. Ladjevardi received his Ph.D. from the University of Oxford in 1981.
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